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The Official News & Technical Journal Of The International Society For Pharmacoeconomics And Outcomes Research
Quality Adjustment Using Average Utilities: Virtue or Vice?
J. Jaime Caro, McGill University, Montreal, Quebec, Canada and Krista F. Huybrechts, Caro Research Institute, Concord, MA, USA

Based on the workshop presented at ISPOR 9th Annual International Meeting, May 16th- 19th 2004, Arlington, VA, USA.

Problem Statement
A major challenge in economic analyses has been to find a way to aggregate the disparate health effects into a single measure that can be used comparatively and can be combined with the costs into a single criterion of economic efficiency. In order for such a measure to be of use, the units of value need to be 1) comprehensive (i.e., applicable to all the health consequences one wants to value); 2) universal (i.e., not personally defined); and 3) constant (i.e., interval scale so that equal intervals on the scale have an equivalent interpretation). Although money is assumed to have all of the desired properties and has been embraced as the measure to value consequences in all other areas of economics (environmental economics is a salient example), health economists have rejected it, perhaps under misguided “ethical” considerations. Instead, they have pursued utilities and their derivatives to value the spectrum of consequences.

Utilities
A (von Neumann-Morgenstern) utility is a measure of the attractiveness of a consequence of a decision being contemplated; with the measurement being made on a scale where 0 represents the worst and 1 the best possible consequence of that decision. For example, a consequence with a utility of 0.7 is considered 30% worse than the best consequence in the sense that the decision-maker is indifferent between the consequence assessed and a 70% chance of attaining the best result. Properly measured utilities are constant (i.e., have interval scale properties). They were defined, however, in terms of the possible consequences of a given decision and for a particular decision-maker – neither all possible consequences for many decision, nor group decisions were contemplated [1].

Problems arise when trying to use utilities for group decisions that must
consider a variety of consequences across multiple decisions.

Problems arise when trying to use utilities for group decisions that must consider a variety of consequences across multiple decisions. To try to retain the properties of the utility scale, yet attain the desirable “comprehensive” property as well, the proponents must define “universally applicable” anchors that cover all possible lifetime health paths. But, this is an impossible task: what do the worst and best possible lifetime health paths correspond to? Are they truly immediate death and “optimal” or “perfect” health? How is optimal health defined: normal good health for a given age; free of all disease, symptoms and dysfunction; health as good as you can imagine it? There is plenty of evidence that death is not the worst consequence. Moreover, “worst” and “best” are inherently subjective, making it necessary to specify whose opinion is to define the anchors. Although these theoretical failings already seem to doom utilities as the measure of value (a fact recognized decades ago [1]), if our field insists on continuing to misuse them for this purpose, then, at a minimum we must see to it that useable definitions of these anchors are agreed upon, possibly with input from organizations such as the WHO.

Even with universal anchors agreed to by all, the problem of applying these for group decisions arises. Under a strict utilitarian approach, the “societal utility” (a concept that is not part of the original theory) is obtained by aggregating the utilities from each of its members. A straightforward mean utility, however, does not necessarily maximize welfare or address fairly the needs of the society and there is no consensus on how individual utilities should be combined to form a social utility function. Even if it were possible to agree upon a universal weighting scheme, once you use such a weighting scheme the aggregate is no longer a utility in the sense that it loses the properties that made the concept attractive in the first place. The only sure way to resolve this is to resort to dictatorship, with the autocrat deciding on the utility that will apply for the society. Although this works for the military and other such groups, it seems objectionable for health care decisions in society. Is the common practice of using some experts' opinions to value health consequences really that different, however?

Aside from the practical problems encountered in measuring preferences for various lifetime paths, it seems that, on theoretical grounds alone, utilities have to be rejected as the measure of value - they are appropriate for what they were designed: individual decisions with a limited set of consequences relevant to the alternatives contemplated.

Quality Adjusted Life Years
The most prominent contender for a solution to these problems has been the construct of weighted average survival, which was introduced in the 1960s and early 1970s. It conceptualizes the health consequences as having only two dimensions: duration of life and quality. The survival time is adjusted according to the quality of that time under the assumption that time and quality are completely exchangeable. Using quality weights attached to each of the health states results in the quality adjusted life year (QALY). It should be noted that contrary to many assertions, the technique used for quality assessment does not have to be preference-based - it can be any relative scale of quality. More important, perhaps, even if a preference-based method is used (i.e., “utility” is used as a proxy for quality), the QALY itself is not a utility and does not benefit from the utility properties.

QALYs do not cover several factors known to be determinants of societal value. For example, there is no additional value given in the QALY to the severity of the initial condition. According to the QALY model, value is proportional to the number of people receiving the benefit and to the increase they obtain in quality or duration of life and not at all to the degree of need met, to fairness in distribution of resources, and so on. These choices in constructing the measure were made 25 years ago, not on the basis of empirical studies showing the extent to which societies value different aspects of health care, but rather based on the judgment that value should be measured in terms of the amount of health produced in the population [2]. This assumption of “distributive neutrality” - epitomized in the use of QALY league tables - is increasingly recognized as untenable [3]. As expressed by McGregor, a QALY gained through correction of erectile dysfunction in an otherwise healthy individual would not be considered by most as equivalent to a QALY gained through life-prolonging dialysis in an individual about to die from renal failure [4]. To ignore this and other differences in the societal value of the QALY could seriously mislead policy decisions.

This flaw in the QALY’s basic structure is sufficient to argue against its use, yet there are other major problems with the measure. In the relentless pursuit of a comprehensive measure, the outcomes of interventions that only affect ‘quality’ of life (e.g., pain relievers) are reported in units of ‘length’ of life, namely life years (quality-adjusted) - a misleading translocation. In addition, the quality weights are measured by various techniques and it has been shown that the results can vary widely according to the method used. Even when the same investigators use the same methods, the repeatability of quality estimates both within and between studies can be very poor, casting doubt on the reliability of the QALY - a major negative for a measure that seeks to be universal and comprehensive. Indeed, quality estimates vary greatly according to who is making the estimate (e.g., patient, family, health professional, general public) and there is no agreed upon theoretical basis for selecting the viewpoint to be used when making societal policy decisions [4].

Like utilities, the QALY lacks the properties required for the measure of value.

Path Forward?
If we cannot use utilities or QALYs, how then should we value health outcomes? We believe that we must re-examine the basis for rejection of money as the unit of measurement. The challenges that we tend to consider insurmountable - and therefore sufficient justification for rejection of the approach - such as putting a monetary value to lost life, have been surmounted by other economic sub-disciplines where cost-benefit analysis has been standard practice for decades. Secondly, it seems to us that the Cost-Value method described and promoted by Eric Nord offers an interesting alternative [4]. This approach goes back to the idea of a barter economy, be it in an allegorical sense, and advocates direct outcome valuation in terms of person trade-offs. That is, valuation is based on the number of people obtaining one kind of outcome that would be regarded as equivalent to a given number of people obtaining another kind of outcome. As such it establishes a person tradeoff at the value side that is comparable to the person trade-off at the production side, directly incorporating distributional concerns. In our view, probably the most important contribution of this approach - which admittedly has its own problems - lies in the fact that an explicit attempt is made to offer a better, more theoretically sound alternative to the utility/ QALY approach, rather than just accepting the current flawed approach as standard practice under the pretext that despite its weaknesses it’s good enough!

 s part of its strategic goal to foster excellent and innovative methodology [5], we believe ISPOR has a role in actively encouraging research in both of these areas. In the meantime, it seems we will have to return to reporting health outcomes in natural units appropriate for the particular intervention being assessed, and leave it up to the decision-makers to decide on their preferences for the use of resources without the aid of a ‘universal’ costutility ratio. Although this may be a more difficult task, the trade-off they are making will at least be transparent, both to them and to those who live the consequences; society as a whole.


REFERENCES
1 Lindley DV. Making Decisions. London: John Wiley & Sons Ltd; 1985.
2 Nord E. Cost-Value Analysis in Health Care. Making Sense out of QALYs. New York: Cambridge University Press; 1999.
3 Coast J. Is economic evaluation in touch with society’s health values? BMJ 2004;329:1233-6.
4 McGregor M. Cost-utility analysis: Use QALYs only with great caution. CMAJ 2003; 168:433-4.
5 Annemans L. Incoming Presidential Address. ISPOR Connections 2004;10:1-3.


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